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Primary Stress Systems Listed by Stress Pattern

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SPC

Name(s) of LanguageReferencesComments
Long Word Short Word
1L Badimaya Hayes 1995:198
1L Bidyara /
Gungabula
Hayes 1995:199
1L Cahuilla Hayes 1995:133 Lexical exceptions are alluded to
1L Czech Hayes 1995:203; Hyman 1977; Dogil 1995a 2ry on odd syls from left in careful speech, on penult in casual speech
1L Dalabon Hayes 1995:199
1L Dehu Hayes 1995:199
1L Diyari Halle & Vergnaud 1987:92, Hayes 1995:199
1L Dyirbal Hyman 1977
1L Estonian Hayes 1995:316 Some lexical 1ry and 2ry stresses
2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (optionally at two-syllable intervals)
1L Finnish Hayes 1995:329 2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (at least as an option)
1L Garawa Halle & Vergnaud 1987:43, Hayes 1995:202
1L Georgian Aronson 1982, Tevdoradze 1978
1L Gugu-Yalanji Hayes 1995:204
1L Hungarian Hayes 1995:329 2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (according to Szinnyei)
1L Icelandic Hayes 1995:189
1L Karelian Hayes 1995:329 2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (optionally at two-syllable intervals)
1L Kashubian Dogil 1995a
1L Ket Skorit et al. 1968
1L Koya Idsardi 1992:2
1L Lappish, Central Norwegian Hayes 1995:199
1L Latvian Halle & Vergnaud 1987:12
1L Laz Jgenti 1959
1L Livonian Hayes 1995:200
1L Mansi Hayes 1995:200
1L Mantjiltjara Hayes 1995:365
1L Maranungku Halle & Vergnaud 1987:40, Hayes 1995:200
1L Mayi Hayes 1995:200
1L Mordwin, Erzyan Kenstowicz 1994, Tsygankin & DeBaev 1975, Walker 1996:31
1L Ono Hayes 1995:200
1L Pintupi Hayes 1995:62
1L Pitta-Pitta Hayes 1995:201
1L Saam Kert 1971
1L Selepet Hayes 1995:201
1L Slovak Dogil 1995a 2ry on odd syls from left, possibly excluding final syl
1L Sorbian Dogil 1995a Lexical stress in loan words
2ry on penult in words of at least 4 syls
1L Tinrin Osumi 1995; Walker 1996:2
1L Votic Hayes 1995:201
1L Wangkumara Hayes 1995:202
1L Yeletnye (Yele) Henderson 1976; Walker 1996:3
1L Yiddish Birnbaum 1979, Fal'kovich 1966
1R Armenian Comrie 1981, Thomson 1975, Tumanjan 1971, Vaux 1998 Possibly 12/2R, since schwa is stressless
Vocatives usually show 1L stress (Vaux, 1999, p.c.)
1R Baluchi Elfenbein 1966, Pireiko 1966
1R Cambodian Hayes 1995:261
1R French Halle & Vergnaud 1987:12 Stress domain is phrase
1R Gagauz Pokrovskaja 1966
1R Ishkashim Grierson 1920, Pakhalina 1966
1R Itelmen Stebnickij 1934
1R Jazghulam Edel'man 1966, Grierson 1920
1R Karaim Musaev 1966
1R Khakas Karpov 1966
1R Kumukh Magomedov 1966
1R Kurdish Bakaev 1966
1R Lezg Meijlanova 1967
1R Nanay Avronin 1959
1R Oroch Skorit et al. 1968
1R Romanian Chitoran 1996, in prep; Steriade 1984 Lexical 2R
Stress domain excludes inflectional affixes
Feet=('ss)
1R Tadzhic Kerimova 1966
1R Tuebatulabal (Tubatulabal) Hayes 1995:264
1R Turkish Halle & Vergnaud 1987:53, Inkelas 1994 Lexical 2R, 3R stems
Prestressing suffixes
1R Turkmen Azimov & Amansarjev 1966, Dulling 1960
1R Tuva Sat 1966
1R Udmurt Lytkin et al. 1966
1R Uzbek Poppe 1962, Raun 1969, Reshetov 1966, Sjoberg 1963, Walker 1996:3
1R Weri Halle & Vergnaud 1987:43, Hayes 1995:265
1R Yavapai Kendall 1976; Walker 1996:4
12@s L (3+) 1L (3-) Malakmalak Hayes 1995:203 Feet=('ss), from right
3-syllable words 1L or 2L
12@s L Nyawaygi Hayes 1995:180 Feet=('LL) or (H), from right
VV > V
12@s L Wargamay Hayes 1995:140 Feet=('LL) or (H), from right
VV > V
12@s R Seminole / Creek Halle & Vergnaud 1987:59, Hayes 1995:64 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VX > V
Stress is realized as a high tone
12/1L Gurkhali Hayes 1995:93
12/1L Malayalam Hayes 1995:92 VV > V
12/1L Shoshone, Tumpisa (Timbisha) Hayes 1995:180 Optionally 1L
12/1L Yil Hayes 1995:93
12/1R Yapese Hayes 1981:108 VV > V
12/2L (3+) 1L (2-) Aranda, Western Halle & Vergnaud 1987:48 CV > V
12/2L Hopi Hayes 1995:261 VX > V
12/2L Maidu Hayes 1995:261 VC > V
Lexical 1L
12/2L Miwok, Sierra Hayes 1995:261 VX > V
12/2L Ossetic Hayes 1995:261 VV > V
Stress domain is phrase
12/2L Paiute, Southern Sapir (1930, p. 39) VV > V; 'inherent' glottal stops also attract stress
12/2L Rotumen Hayes 1995:trochaic
12/2L Ulwa Hayes 1995:trochaic
12/2R Dieguenyo (Diegueno) Hayes 1995:181 VX > V (but C6C is light)
12/2R English (adjectives and verbs) Halle & Vergnaud 1987:230 VXC > V(X)
Lexical 3R
12/2R Fijian Hayes 1995:142 VV > V
12/2R Greek, Ancient Golston, 1989; Hayes 1995:181 HL* pitch accent anchors L* tone to rightmost moraic trochee
12/2R Hawaiian Hayes 1995:181
12/2R Inga Hayes 1995:181 VN > V(K), where N is sonorant
12/2R Kawaiisu Hayes 1995:181
12/2R Lenakel Halle & Vergnaud 1987:216, Hayes 1995:167 VV > V (or tense > lax)
Lexical 1R, 3R
12/2 R Polabian (per Olesch) Dogil 1995a Extinct Slavic language
12/2R Romansh, Berguener (Berguner) Hayes 1995:181 VX > V
12/2R Sentani Hayes 1995:331 VC > V (VV does not occur)
2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables
12/2R Tol Hayes 1995:181 VX > CV
12/2R Tongan Hayes 1995:181 VV > V (VC does not occur)
12/21/1R Hebrew, Tiberian Halle & Vergnaud 1987:63 V(V)C > VV > V
12/23/3R English (nouns) Burzio 1994; Halle & Vergnaud 1987:227-234; Kager 1989; Pater 1995 VV > VC > V
Lexical 2R, 3R
12@w3 / 2@w2 / 34@s R (3+) 1L (2-) Hindi (per Fairbanks) Hayes 1995:164 Feet=('LL) or (H), from right
VXC > VX > V
1@w3 / 23 R Arabic, Damascene Halle & Vergnaud 1987:96 VXC > VX > V
1@w3 / 23@s R Arabic, Cairene Halle & Vergnaud 1987:61, Hayes 1995:67 Feet=('LL) or (H), from left
{VV, VCC} > VC > V
1@w3 / 23@s R (3+) 1@w3 / 21@s R (2-) Arabic, Cyrenaican Bedouin Hayes 1995:226 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
1@w3 / 23@s R (3+) 1@w3 / 21@s R (2-) Arabic, Negev Bedouin Hayes 1995:226 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
Lexical exceptions exist
4R is optional in HLLH, HLLL forms
1@w4/23@s R Dutch van der Hulst 1984; Kager 1989; Daelemans et al., 1993 VVC, VCC > VC > VV > 6
Feet=('LL) or (H) from right, with L=6 or VV
Ambisyllabic C following short V
Lexical stress on any of last 3 syls
123/123/123/123 /1 R PirahaN (Piraha) Everett & Everett 1984, Halle & Vergnaud 1987:224, Hayes 1995:285 KVV > GVV > VV > KV > GV (K=-voice, G=+voice)
1@w3 /23@w2 /2 R Arabic, Bani-Hassan Hayes 1995:366 Interactions with feet may be relevant, e.g. 1@w3/2@w2/32@s; cf. Palestinian Arabic
Feet=(HL), ('LL) or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
123/23/3 R Manam Buckley 1994 (C)VC > CV > V
1@w3/234@s R English (nouns, per Pater) Pater 1995 VV > VC > V
Feet=(HL), ('LL) or (H), from right; ('LH) if necessary
1@w4/234@s R German Fery, 1999; Hall 1992; Jessen 1995; Vennemann 1990 VVC, VCC, VG > VC > VV > 6
G=glide
Feet=('L6L), ('LL) or (H) from right, with 'L=VV, L=6 or VV
Ambisyllabic C following short V
Lexical stress on any of last 3 syls
4R stress possible if schwa in antepenult
1@w3 / 2@w2 / 34@s R (3+) 1@w3 / 9 R (2-) Arabic, Palestinian Hayes 1995:126 Feet=('LL) or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
1/23..891/1R Cheremis, Meadow Hayes 1981:132 {V +tense, VC} > V -tense > v(C)
1/23..89/9R Arabic, Classical Hayes 1981:111/130, 1995:296 VXC > VX > V
12..78/12..78/1L Kashmiri Bhatt 1989, Kenstowicz 1993, Walker 1996:16 CVV > CVC > CV
12..89/1L Amele Hayes 1995:297, Roberts 1987 VC > V
12..89/1L Au Hayes 1995:297, Scorza 1985 Weight determined by vowel quality
12..89/1L Indo-European (protolanguage) Halle & Vergnaud 1987:72 Syllable "weight" determined by lexical accent
12..89/1L Lithuanian Dogil 1995; Halle & Vergnaud 1987:190, Hayes 1995:278 High tone > Low tone; for some authors, stress depends on lexical accent rather than tone
12..89/1L Lushootseed Hayes 1995:297, Hess 1976, Odden 1979 V > 6
12..89/1L Mongolian, Khalkha (per Street) Halle & Vergnaud 1987:71, Hayes 1995:297, Walker 1996:25 VV > V
Walker notes Street's description is mistaken!
12..89/1L Mordwin, Mokshan Kenstowicz 1994, Tsygankin & DeBaev 1975, Walker 1996:12 Non-high V > {High V or schwa}
12..89/1L Murik Abbott 1985, Hayes 1995:297, Walker 1996:11 VV > V
Max 1 VV per word
12..89/1L Persian, Old Lambton 1961, Oranskij 1963
12..89/1L Russian Idsardi 1992:51 Lexical accent
12..89/1L Sanskrit, Vedic Halle & Vergnaud 1987:84, Hayes 1995:297 High tone > Low tone (or lexical accent)
12..89/1L Serbo-Croatian Hayes 1995:278 High tone > Low tone
Ambiguous with 12..89/9L, since all words have a high tone
12..89/1L Tibetan, Lhasa Hayes 1995:297, Odden 1979 VV > V
12..89/1L Yana Hayes 1995:297, Sapir & Swadesh 1960 VX > V
12..89/1R Golin Bunn & Bunn 1970; Hayes 1995:278 High tone > Low tone
12..89/1R Mamainde Eberhard 1995 Relative to root morpheme
Possibly 12/1R or 123/1R since roots have few syllables
Some words purportedly have multiple 1ry stresses
12..89/1R Mayan, Aguacatec Halle & Vergnaud 1987:71, Hayes 1995:297, Hyman 1977:51, McArthur & McArthur 1956, Walker 1996:10 VV > V
M&M do not show words with multiple heavy syls
12..89/12/2R Mam Hayes 1995:282 {VV, V?} > VC > V, where ? is a glottal stop
12..89/12..89/1L Maori Hyman 1977:51 VV > ViVj > V, where ViVj is a cluster of non-identical vowels
12..89/2L Mongolian, Khalkha (per Stuart) Goldsmith 1990:343, fn. 9 VV > V
If no long vowel, stress reportedly falls on the 2nd vowel which is not short /i/; the SPC to the left does not take short /i/ into account
12..89/23/3R Klamath Halle & Vergnaud 1987:74, Hayes 1995:280 VV > VC > V
12..89/9L Komi Halle & Vergnaud 1987:52, Hayes 1995:297, Itkonen 1955, Lytkin 1961 Weight depends in part on vowel height
12..89/9L Kwakw'ala / Kwakiutl Boas 1947, Hayes 1995:297, Walker 1996:23, Zec 1994 {VV, VN} > V(K), where N is sonorant
12..89/9R Chuvash Hayes 1995:296, Krueger 1961 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
12..89/9R Huasteco Hayes 1995:296, Hyman 1977:51, Larson & Pike 1949 VV > V
12..89/9 R Kashubian, Slovincian Dogil 1995a Long V and lexical accents are heavy
Prestressing suffixes
Defunct dialect
12..89/9R Kuuku-Ya?u Hayes 1995:296, Thompson 1976 VV > V
12..89/9 R Polabian (per Dogil) Dogil 1995a Extinct Slavic language
12..89/9R Selkup Halle & Clements 1983:189, Idsardi 1992:10, Kuznecova et al. 1980, Walker 1996:21 VV > V
2L (3+) 1L (2) Araucanian Hayes 1995:266, Hyman 1977:41 1L=2R in bisyllables
2L Dakota Halle & Vergnaud 1987:90, Hayes 1995:267
2L Paiute, Southern Hayes 1995:266 Stress attracts to heavy first syllables, but these are arguably derived from separate underlying syllables (CV.V) after stress is assigned (Hayes, p. 122)
2R Cavinenya (Cavinena) Hayes 1995:202
2R Chamorro Halle & Vergnaud 1987:204, Hayes 1995:204 Lexical 1R, 3R; accented prefixes
2R Dagaare (Dagaari) Anttila & Bodomo 1996 Lexical 1R analyzed as lexical hiatus CV.V
2R Djingili Hayes 1995:202 Lexical 1R, 3R
2R Nengone Hayes 1995:203
2R Onondaga Hayes 1995:266 Lexical 1R, 3R
2R Piro Hayes 1995:201
2R Polish Halle & Vergnaud 1987:57, Idsardi 1992 Lexical 1R, 3R
2R Spanish Harris 1995 Lexical 1R, 3R
2R Swahili Hayes 1995:204 Lexical 3R
2R Tagalog Hyman 1977:42 1R, 3R in some verbs
2R Tanna, Southwest Hayes 1995:180
2R Warao Halle & Vergnaud 1987:40, Hayes 1995:203 Lexical 1R, 3R
2R Welsh Williams 1983
2R Yawelmani Archangeli 1988; Hayes 1995:204 Lexical 3R
2R Zoque, Chimalapa Hayes 1995:104
21/1R Aklan Halle & Vergnaud 1987:45 VC > V
Lexical 2R
21/1R Javanese Hayes 1995:262 V > 6
21/1R Malay (per Winstedt) Hayes 1995:263 V(X) > 6
21/1R Manobo, Sarangani (per Meiklejohn & Meiklejohn) Hayes 1995:262 V > 6
21/2R Awadhi Hayes 1995:179 VX > V
21/2R Manobo, Sarangani (per DuBois) Hayes 1995:179 V > 6
213/2 R Maithili Hayes 1995:149 VV > V
23@s R Cayuga Hayes 1995:223 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VV > V
23@s R (3+) Malecite / Passamaquoddy Hayes 1995:215 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VV > V
23@s R (3+) 12@s L (2-) Munsee Hayes 1995:211 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VX > V
23@s R (3+) 12@s L (2-) Unami Hayes 1995:211 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VX > V
23/2R Turkish Inkelas 1994 Place names and some loans only
VX > V
Lexical 2R
23/3R (3+) 1L (2-) Latin, Classical Mester 1994 VX > V
Stem-final stress in cliticized forms
23/3R (3+) 12/2L (2-) Malay (per Lewis) Hayes 1995:263 V(X) > 6
234@w3 / 324@s@w2 / 324@s R Asheninca Hayes 1995:288 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VV > {iN, V(C)} > i (N is a nasal consonant)
In feet, H=VV
23..89@s@w2/0 R Seneca Halle & Vergnaud 1987:100, Hayes 1995:225 {VC, V.CVC} > V
Feet=(ss'), from left
Rightmost nonfinal even-numbered syllable attracts stress if it's either closed or followed by a closed syllable; no stress if no closed syl
23..891/2 R Bhojpuri (per Shukla/Tiwari) Hayes 1995:278 Feet=('LL) or (H)
23..891/2 R Hindi (per Jones) Hayes 1995:278
23..891/2 R Hindi (per Sharma) Hayes 1995:278
23..891/2 R Sindhi Hayes 1995:278, Stowell 1979, Walker 1996:13
23..891/23..891/2 R Hindi (per Kelkar) Hayes 1995:276, Kelkar 1968, Walker 1996:14 VXC > VX > V
23..891/9R Buriat Poppe 1960:19, Walker 1996:25 VV > V
23..891/9R Mongolian, Khalkah (per Bosson) Bosson 1964, Poppe 1970, Walker 1996:25 VV > V
Walker notes variable stress between this SPC and stress on 2nd to last heavy syl
23..89/2R Cheremis, Mountain Hayes 1981:123 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
Lexical stress in words with no full vowels, so ambiguous with 23..89R
12..89/1R in first member of compound
23..89/2R Cheremis, Western Hayes 1995:297, Itkonen 1955:28, Walker 1996:15 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
23..89/9R Cheremis, Eastern Hayes 1995:296, Sebeok & Ingemann 1961:9, Walker 1996:31 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
Optional 1R
23..89/9R Nubian, Dongolese Hayes 1981:112
3R (4+) 2R (3-) Bhojpuri Hyman 1977:77
3R (3+) 1L (2-) Cayuvava Hayes 1995:205, 309 Lexical 1R, 2R
2ry stress on every 3rd syllable in sequences of light syllables
3R (5+) 2R (4-) IcuaN Tupi: (Icua) Hyman 1977:77
3R (3+) 1L (2-) Kela Hayes 1995:205
3R (3+) 1L (2-) Macedonian Halle & Vergnaud 1987:55, Hayes 1995:205 Lexical 1R, 2R
3R (3+) 1L (2-) Mae Hayes 1995:205
3R (3+) 1L (2-) Paamese Hayes 1995:178 Lexical 4R
3R (3+) 1L (2-) Parnkalla Hayes 1995:205
_ (?) Bulgarian Dogil 1995b Lexical accent
_ (?) Byelorussian Dogil 1995b Lexical accent
_ (?) Ukrainian Dogil 1995b Lexical accent