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Primary Stress Systems Listed by Language

Click here to see the stress systems listed by Stress Pattern

Name(s) of Language

SPC

References Comments
Long Word Short Word
Aklan 21/1R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:45 VC > V
Lexical 2R
Amele 12..89/1L Hayes 1995:297, Roberts 1987 VC > V
Arabic, Bani-Hassan 1@w3 /23@w2 /2 R Hayes 1995:366 Interactions with feet may be relevant, e.g. 1@w3/2@w2/32@s; cf. Palestinian Arabic
Feet=(HL), ('LL) or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
Arabic, Cairene 1@w3 / 23@s R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:61, Hayes 1995:67 Feet=('LL) or (H), from left
{VV, VCC} > VC > V
Arabic, Classical 1/23..89/9R Hayes 1981:111/130, 1995:296 VXC > VX > V
Arabic, Cyrenaican Bedouin 1@w3 / 23@s R (3+) 1@w3 / 21@s R (2-) Hayes 1995:226 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
Arabic, Damascene 1@w3 / 23 R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:96 VXC > VX > V
Arabic, Negev Bedouin 1@w3 / 23@s R (3+) 1@w3 / 21@s R (2-) Hayes 1995:226 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
Lexical exceptions exist
4R is optional in HLLH, HLLL forms
Arabic, Palestinian 1@w3 / 2@w2 / 34@s R (3+) 1@w3 / 9 R (2-) Hayes 1995:126 Feet=('LL) or (H), from left
VXC > VX > V
Aranda, Western 12/2L (3+) 1L (2-) Halle & Vergnaud 1987:48 CV > V
Araucanian 2L (3+) 1L (2) Hayes 1995:266, Hyman 1977:41 1L=2R in bisyllables
Armenian 1R Comrie 1981, Thomson 1975, Tumanjan 1971, Vaux 1998 Possibly 12/2R, since schwa is stressless
Vocatives usually show 1L stress (Vaux, 1999, p.c.)
Asheninca 234@w3 / 324@s@w2 / 324@s R Hayes 1995:288 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VV > {iN, V(C)} > i (N is a nasal consonant)
In feet, H=VV
Au 12..89/1L Hayes 1995:297, Scorza 1985 Weight determined by vowel quality
Awadhi 21/2R Hayes 1995:179 VX > V
Badimaya 1L Hayes 1995:198
Baluchi 1R Elfenbein 1966, Pireiko 1966
Bhojpuri 3R (4+) 2R (3-) Hyman 1977:77
Bhojpuri (per Shukla/Tiwari) 23..891/2 R Hayes 1995:278 Feet=('LL) or (H)
Bidyara /
Gungabula
1L Hayes 1995:199
Bulgarian _ (?) Dogil 1995b Lexical accent
Buriat 23..891/9R Poppe 1960:19, Walker 1996:25 VV > V
Byelorussian _ (?) Dogil 1995b Lexical accent
Cahuilla 1L Hayes 1995:133 Lexical exceptions are alluded to
Cambodian 1R Hayes 1995:261
Cavinenya (Cavinena) 2R Hayes 1995:202
Cayuga 23@s R Hayes 1995:223 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VV > V
Cayuvava 3R (3+) 1L (2-) Hayes 1995:205, 309 Lexical 1R, 2R
2ry stress on every 3rd syllable in sequences of light syllables
Chamorro 2R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:204, Hayes 1995:204 Lexical 1R, 3R; accented prefixes
Cheremis, Eastern 23..89/9R Hayes 1995:296, Sebeok & Ingemann 1961:9, Walker 1996:31 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
Optional 1R
Cheremis, Meadow 1/23..891/1R Hayes 1981:132 {V +tense, VC} > V -tense > v(C)
Cheremis, Mountain 23..89/2R Hayes 1981:123 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
Lexical stress in words with no full vowels, so ambiguous with 23..89R
12..89/1R in first member of compound
Cheremis, Western 23..89/2R Hayes 1995:297, Itkonen 1955:28, Walker 1996:15 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
Chuvash 12..89/9R Hayes 1995:296, Krueger 1961 V > v (full vs. reduced vowels)
Czech 1L Hayes 1995:203; Hyman 1977; Dogil 1995a 2ry on odd syls from left in careful speech, on penult in casual speech
Dagaare (Dagaari) 2R Anttila & Bodomo 1996 Lexical 1R analyzed as lexical hiatus CV.V
Dakota 2L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:90, Hayes 1995:267
Dalabon 1L Hayes 1995:199
Dehu 1L Hayes 1995:199
Dieguenyo (Diegueno) 12/2R Hayes 1995:181 VX > V (but C6C is light)
Diyari 1L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:92, Hayes 1995:199
Djingili 2R Hayes 1995:202 Lexical 1R, 3R
Dutch 1@w4/23@s R van der Hulst 1984; Kager 1989; Daelemans et al., 1993 VVC, VCC > VC > VV > 6
Feet=('LL) or (H) from right, with L=6 or VV
Ambisyllabic C following short V
Lexical stress on any of last 3 syls
Dyirbal 1L Hyman 1977
English (adjectives and verbs) 12/2R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:230 VXC > V(X)
Lexical 3R
English (nouns) 12/23/3R Burzio 1994; Halle & Vergnaud 1987:227-234; Kager 1989; Pater 1995 VV > VC > V
Lexical 2R, 3R
English (nouns, per Pater) 1@w3/234@s R Pater 1995 VV > VC > V
Feet=(HL), ('LL) or (H), from right; ('LH) if necessary
Estonian 1L Hayes 1995:316 Some lexical 1ry and 2ry stresses
2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (optionally at two-syllable intervals)
Fijian 12/2R Hayes 1995:142 VV > V
Finnish 1L Hayes 1995:329 2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (at least as an option)
French 1R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:12 Stress domain is phrase
Gagauz 1R Pokrovskaja 1966
Garawa 1L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:43, Hayes 1995:202
Georgian 1L Aronson 1982, Tevdoradze 1978
German 1@w4/234@s R Fery, 1999; Hall 1992; Jessen 1995; Vennemann 1990 VVC, VCC, VG > VC > VV > 6
G=glide
Feet=('L6L), ('LL) or (H) from right, with 'L=VV, L=6 or VV
Ambisyllabic C following short V
Lexical stress on any of last 3 syls
4R stress possible if schwa in antepenult
Golin 12..89/1R Bunn & Bunn 1970; Hayes 1995:278 High tone > Low tone
Greek, Ancient 12/2R Golston, 1989; Hayes 1995:181 HL* pitch accent anchors L* tone to rightmost moraic trochee
Gugu-Yalanji 1L Hayes 1995:204
Gurkhali 12/1L Hayes 1995:93
Hawaiian 12/2R Hayes 1995:181
Hebrew, Tiberian 12/21/1R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:63 V(V)C > VV > V
Hindi (per Fairbanks) 12@w3 / 2@w2 / 34@s R (3+) 1L (2-) Hayes 1995:164 Feet=('LL) or (H), from right
VXC > VX > V
Hindi (per Jones) 23..891/2 R Hayes 1995:278
Hindi (per Kelkar) 23..891/23..891/2 R Hayes 1995:276, Kelkar 1968, Walker 1996:14 VXC > VX > V
Hindi (per Sharma) 23..891/2 R Hayes 1995:278
Hopi 12/2L Hayes 1995:261 VX > V
Huasteco 12..89/9R Hayes 1995:296, Hyman 1977:51, Larson & Pike 1949 VV > V
Hungarian 1L Hayes 1995:329 2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (according to Szinnyei)
Icelandic 1L Hayes 1995:189
IcuaN Tupi: (Icua) 3R (5+) 2R (4-) Hyman 1977:77
Indo-European (protolanguage) 12..89/1L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:72 Syllable "weight" determined by lexical accent
Inga 12/2R Hayes 1995:181 VN > V(K), where N is sonorant
Ishkashim 1R Grierson 1920, Pakhalina 1966
Itelmen 1R Stebnickij 1934
Javanese 21/1R Hayes 1995:262 V > 6
Jazghulam 1R Edel'man 1966, Grierson 1920
Karaim 1R Musaev 1966
Karelian 1L Hayes 1995:329 2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables (optionally at two-syllable intervals)
Kashmiri 12..78/12..78/1L Bhatt 1989, Kenstowicz 1993, Walker 1996:16 CVV > CVC > CV
Kashubian 1L Dogil 1995a
Kashubian, Slovincian 12..89/9 R Dogil 1995a Long V and lexical accents are heavy
Prestressing suffixes
Defunct dialect
Kawaiisu 12/2R Hayes 1995:181
Kela 3R (3+) 1L (2-) Hayes 1995:205
Ket 1L Skorit et al. 1968
Khakas 1R Karpov 1966
Klamath 12..89/23/3R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:74, Hayes 1995:280 VV > VC > V
Komi 12..89/9L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:52, Hayes 1995:297, Itkonen 1955, Lytkin 1961 Weight depends in part on vowel height
Koya 1L Idsardi 1992:2
Kumukh 1R Magomedov 1966
Kurdish 1R Bakaev 1966
Kuuku-Ya?u 12..89/9R Hayes 1995:296, Thompson 1976 VV > V
Kwakw'ala / Kwakiutl 12..89/9L Boas 1947, Hayes 1995:297, Walker 1996:23, Zec 1994 {VV, VN} > V(K), where N is sonorant
Lappish, Central Norwegian 1L Hayes 1995:199
Latin, Classical 23/3R (3+) 1L (2-) Mester 1994 VX > V
Stem-final stress in cliticized forms
Latvian 1L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:12
Laz 1L Jgenti 1959
Lenakel 12/2R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:216, Hayes 1995:167 VV > V (or tense > lax)
Lexical 1R, 3R
Lezg 1R Meijlanova 1967
Lithuanian 12..89/1L Dogil 1995; Halle & Vergnaud 1987:190, Hayes 1995:278 High tone > Low tone; for some authors, stress depends on lexical accent rather than tone
Livonian 1L Hayes 1995:200
Lushootseed 12..89/1L Hayes 1995:297, Hess 1976, Odden 1979 V > 6
Macedonian 3R (3+) 1L (2-) Halle & Vergnaud 1987:55, Hayes 1995:205 Lexical 1R, 2R
Mae 3R (3+) 1L (2-) Hayes 1995:205
Maidu 12/2L Hayes 1995:261 VC > V
Lexical 1L
Maithili 213/2 R Hayes 1995:149 VV > V
Malakmalak 12@s L (3+) 1L (3-) Hayes 1995:203 Feet=('ss), from right
3-syllable words 1L or 2L
Malay (per Lewis) 23/3R (3+) 12/2L (2-) Hayes 1995:263 V(X) > 6
Malay (per Winstedt) 21/1R Hayes 1995:263 V(X) > 6
Malayalam 12/1L Hayes 1995:92 VV > V
Malecite / Passamaquoddy 23@s R (3+) Hayes 1995:215 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VV > V
Mam 12..89/12/2R Hayes 1995:282 {VV, V?} > VC > V, where ? is a glottal stop
Mamainde 12..89/1R Eberhard 1995 Relative to root morpheme
Possibly 12/1R or 123/1R since roots have few syllables
Some words purportedly have multiple 1ry stresses
Manam 123/23/3 R Buckley 1994 (C)VC > CV > V
Manobo, Sarangani (per DuBois) 21/2R Hayes 1995:179 V > 6
Manobo, Sarangani (per Meiklejohn & Meiklejohn) 21/1R Hayes 1995:262 V > 6
Mansi 1L Hayes 1995:200
Mantjiltjara 1L Hayes 1995:365
Maori 12..89/12..89/1L Hyman 1977:51 VV > ViVj > V, where ViVj is a cluster of non-identical vowels
Maranungku 1L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:40, Hayes 1995:200
Mayan, Aguacatec 12..89/1R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:71, Hayes 1995:297, Hyman 1977:51, McArthur & McArthur 1956, Walker 1996:10 VV > V
M&M do not show words with multiple heavy syls
Mayi 1L Hayes 1995:200
Miwok, Sierra 12/2L Hayes 1995:261 VX > V
Mongolian, Khalkah (per Bosson) 23..891/9R Bosson 1964, Poppe 1970, Walker 1996:25 VV > V
Walker notes variable stress between this SPC and stress on 2nd to last heavy syl
Mongolian, Khalkha (per Street) 12..89/1L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:71, Hayes 1995:297, Walker 1996:25 VV > V
Walker notes Street's description is mistaken!
Mongolian, Khalkha (per Stuart) 12..89/2L Goldsmith 1990:343, fn. 9 VV > V
If no long vowel, stress reportedly falls on the 2nd vowel which is not short /i/; the SPC to the left does not take short /i/ into account
Mordwin, Erzyan 1L Kenstowicz 1994, Tsygankin & DeBaev 1975, Walker 1996:31
Mordwin, Mokshan 12..89/1L Kenstowicz 1994, Tsygankin & DeBaev 1975, Walker 1996:12 Non-high V > {High V or schwa}
Munsee 23@s R (3+) 12@s L (2-) Hayes 1995:211 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VX > V
Murik 12..89/1L Abbott 1985, Hayes 1995:297, Walker 1996:11 VV > V
Max 1 VV per word
Nanay 1R Avronin 1959
Nengone 2R Hayes 1995:203
Nubian, Dongolese 23..89/9R Hayes 1981:112
Nyawaygi 12@s L Hayes 1995:180 Feet=('LL) or (H), from right
VV > V
Ono 1L Hayes 1995:200
Onondaga 2R Hayes 1995:266 Lexical 1R, 3R
Oroch 1R Skorit et al. 1968
Ossetic 12/2L Hayes 1995:261 VV > V
Stress domain is phrase
Paamese 3R (3+) 1L (2-) Hayes 1995:178 Lexical 4R
Paiute, Southern 2L Hayes 1995:266 Stress attracts to heavy first syllables, but these are arguably derived from separate underlying syllables (CV.V) after stress is assigned (Hayes, p. 122)
Paiute, Southern 12/2L Sapir (1930, p. 39) VV > V; 'inherent' glottal stops also attract stress
Parnkalla 3R (3+) 1L (2-) Hayes 1995:205
Persian, Old 12..89/1L Lambton 1961, Oranskij 1963
Pintupi 1L Hayes 1995:62
PirahaN (Piraha) 123/123/123/123 /1 R Everett & Everett 1984, Halle & Vergnaud 1987:224, Hayes 1995:285 KVV > GVV > VV > KV > GV (K=-voice, G=+voice)
Piro 2R Hayes 1995:201
Pitta-Pitta 1L Hayes 1995:201
Polabian (per Dogil) 12..89/9 R Dogil 1995a Extinct Slavic language
Polabian (per Olesch) 12/2 R Dogil 1995a Extinct Slavic language
Polish 2R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:57, Idsardi 1992 Lexical 1R, 3R
Romanian 1R Chitoran 1996, in prep; Steriade 1984 Lexical 2R
Stress domain excludes inflectional affixes
Feet=('ss)
Romansh, Berguener (Berguner) 12/2R Hayes 1995:181 VX > V
Rotumen 12/2L Hayes 1995:trochaic
Russian 12..89/1L Idsardi 1992:51 Lexical accent
Saam 1L Kert 1971
Sanskrit, Vedic 12..89/1L Halle & Vergnaud 1987:84, Hayes 1995:297 High tone > Low tone (or lexical accent)
Selepet 1L Hayes 1995:201
Selkup 12..89/9R Halle & Clements 1983:189, Idsardi 1992:10, Kuznecova et al. 1980, Walker 1996:21 VV > V
Seminole / Creek 12@s R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:59, Hayes 1995:64 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VX > V
Stress is realized as a high tone
Seneca 23..89@s@w2/0 R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:100, Hayes 1995:225 {VC, V.CVC} > V
Feet=(ss'), from left
Rightmost nonfinal even-numbered syllable attracts stress if it's either closed or followed by a closed syllable; no stress if no closed syl
Sentani 12/2R Hayes 1995:331 VC > V (VV does not occur)
2ry stress at 3-syllable intervals in sequences of light syllables
Serbo-Croatian 12..89/1L Hayes 1995:278 High tone > Low tone
Ambiguous with 12..89/9L, since all words have a high tone
Shoshone, Tumpisa (Timbisha) 12/1L Hayes 1995:180 Optionally 1L
Sindhi 23..891/2 R Hayes 1995:278, Stowell 1979, Walker 1996:13
Slovak 1L Dogil 1995a 2ry on odd syls from left, possibly excluding final syl
Sorbian 1L Dogil 1995a Lexical stress in loan words
2ry on penult in words of at least 4 syls
Spanish 2R Harris 1995 Lexical 1R, 3R
Swahili 2R Hayes 1995:204 Lexical 3R
Tadzhic 1R Kerimova 1966
Tagalog 2R Hyman 1977:42 1R, 3R in some verbs
Tanna, Southwest 2R Hayes 1995:180
Tibetan, Lhasa 12..89/1L Hayes 1995:297, Odden 1979 VV > V
Tinrin 1L Osumi 1995; Walker 1996:2
Tol 12/2R Hayes 1995:181 VX > CV
Tongan 12/2R Hayes 1995:181 VV > V (VC does not occur)
Tuebatulabal (Tubatulabal) 1R Hayes 1995:264
Turkish 23/2R Inkelas 1994 Place names and some loans only
VX > V
Lexical 2R
Turkish 1R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:53, Inkelas 1994 Lexical 2R, 3R stems
Prestressing suffixes
Turkmen 1R Azimov & Amansarjev 1966, Dulling 1960
Tuva 1R Sat 1966
Udmurt 1R Lytkin et al. 1966
Ukrainian _ (?) Dogil 1995b Lexical accent
Ulwa 12/2L Hayes 1995:trochaic
Unami 23@s R (3+) 12@s L (2-) Hayes 1995:211 Feet=(LH), (LL') or (H), from left
VX > V
Uzbek 1R Poppe 1962, Raun 1969, Reshetov 1966, Sjoberg 1963, Walker 1996:3
Votic 1L Hayes 1995:201
Wangkumara 1L Hayes 1995:202
Warao 2R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:40, Hayes 1995:203 Lexical 1R, 3R
Wargamay 12@s L Hayes 1995:140 Feet=('LL) or (H), from right
VV > V
Welsh 2R Williams 1983
Weri 1R Halle & Vergnaud 1987:43, Hayes 1995:265
Yana 12..89/1L Hayes 1995:297, Sapir & Swadesh 1960 VX > V
Yapese 12/1R Hayes 1981:108 VV > V
Yavapai 1R Kendall 1976; Walker 1996:4
Yawelmani 2R Archangeli 1988; Hayes 1995:204 Lexical 3R
Yeletnye (Yele) 1L Henderson 1976; Walker 1996:3
Yiddish 1L Birnbaum 1979, Fal'kovich 1966
Yil 12/1L Hayes 1995:93
Zoque, Chimalapa 2R Hayes 1995:104